Rule 206(4)‑5 of the Investment Advisers Act of 1940 - known as the pay to play rule – comes into focus in major election years. That is particularly true in the current election cycle in light of Kamala Harris’ selection of Minnesota Governor Tim Walz as her running mate, as contributions to her campaign by employees of investment advisers could be limited by the pay to play rule. With political activity gaining momentum heading into the upcoming election, the Private Equity Law Report interviewed Skadden partner Ki P. Hong to help fund managers identify and avoid pay to play compliance risks and other potential legal pitfalls. This article outlines relevant federal, state and local pay to play rules; examines key differences between those regimes; summarizes SEC enforcement activity targeting political contributions; and prescribes steps fund managers can take to ensure compliance.
For additional commentary from Hong, see our two-part series: “Federal Pay to Play Rules” (Feb. 14, 2019); and “State and Local Pay to Play Rules; Traps for the Unwary; and Compliance” (Feb. 21, 2019).
Parameters of the Pay to Play Rules
PELR: What types of individuals are covered by the federal pay to play rules?
Hong: Covered donors include certain company employees, and covered recipients include any candidate or incumbent of any state or local office that has authority to influence the selection of an investor, or even has the authority to appoint someone with that power. For example, every governor is covered in each state because they appoint members to various governing boards within their state.
A political contribution by a covered donor to a covered recipient automatically triggers a two-year ban on an investment adviser’s ability to accept compensation for any advisory services provided to any of the affected government investors (e.g., state pension funds). “Compensation” can be very broad, however. In the PE context, it extends beyond management fees to cover carried interest, which can result in very significant penalties – into the tens of millions of dollars – if a ban is triggered.
It is worth clarifying, however, that a contribution itself does not violate the pay to play rules. It’s only an issue when an adviser receives compensation from a government entity within the aforementioned two-year period. That acceptance of compensation constitutes the violation.
PELR: What is the liability standard for violating the federal pay to play rules?
Hong: There is strict liability for violations of pay to play rules. The problem is that strict liability means even inadvertent contributions by employees automatically trigger the ban.
Companies spend a lot of time and effort trying to ensure that problematic contributions do not occur. The problem, however, is if someone goes to a coffee event or a fundraiser, for example, not knowing that the admission fee is really a contribution to a candidate, then the company is not really making a deliberate choice – it’s just a mistake. And that mistake, no matter how benign, results in an automatic ban.
PELR: Are any waivers or exceptions available to the strict liability standard?
Hong: If you discover a contribution, you can request a one-off waiver from the SEC. The SEC will look at a variety of equitable considerations, such as whether the contribution had anything to do with the business and whether there is a good compliance program in place. The waiver process takes time, however, and investment advisers must put their fees into escrow while it is being resolved.
An advisers’ willingness to avail themselves of the waiver process depends on which ban is triggered. Advisers look at whether they have, or are concerned with, investors in a particular state. For example, if they do not take public pension fund money in certain states, then they are more likely to accept a ban in those states. If a ban is triggered in a state where they have significant government investors, either currently or in the future, then they will pursue a waiver.
Although it can be used as a one-off fix, the waiver process is not really something that can be used regularly for inadvertent violations. In fact, I’m not aware of anyone seeking a waiver more than once – all the waivers out there are for different companies. The lack of multiple requests shows how carefully advisers ensure there are no further violations or bans after they obtain a waiver. I also think it’s an open question as to how the SEC would approach a second request.
Also, it is worth noting that the overwhelming majority of cases are handled by the advisers themselves, meaning they either decide to stand down (i.e., forego compensation from compromised investors) or they pursue a waiver. The rule has an inherent self-enforcement mechanism and that’s why advisers spend so many resources trying to comply.
[See “What the Outcome of BlackRock’s Petition Could Portend for the SEC’s Stance on Pay to Play” (Nov. 2, 2017).]
PELR: How do state law prohibitions differ from the federal pay to play rules?
Hong: They differ quite significantly, although they share a common core. Under state laws, a covered contribution by a covered donor to a covered recipient or a committee triggers an automatic ban on business. That idea is common to the federal, state and local pay to play laws. In fact, Connecticut issued the earliest state rules in 2005 and they were essentially copied from the federal pay to play rules.
A significant difference, however, is that state laws tend to cover any kind of government contract, so not only investment advisers are covered, but widget manufacturers are too. State laws also cover those who are leasing government buildings and even those who are seeking grants and incentives from the government, so the scope tends to be much broader.
The other major difference is that the covered donors are different. Almost all state laws cover one or more of either senior officers or those who are soliciting the government for contracts, which is the same as the federal pay to play rules. State laws go further, however, by also covering outside directors, spouses and dependent children. So, for example, if my child is in college and cuts a check to the Republican Party in Connecticut, that triggers a ban for my firm.
Therefore, advisers must go beyond the parameters of the federal pay to play rules and set up a system to monitor the extended group of individuals that could constitute covered donors under state laws. As to outside directors, that is usually addressed through a notice sent to directors during director meetings. Advisers may also need to preclear contributions from spouses and dependent children, at least in the jurisdictions that cover them.
Ongoing and Anticipated SEC Enforcement Activity
PELR: What are some risks that are unique to this election cycle?
Hong: If a presidential candidate selects a covered state official (e.g., a governor) as their running mate, then a contribution to that campaign triggers the ban under the SEC rule. In prior election cycles, presidential candidates such as John Kasich in 2016 triggered bans for clients in Ohio because people donated to Kasich without considering he was also the governor of Ohio. After Donald Trump was nominated in 2016, the pay to play rules also covered contributions to him because Mike Pence was the sitting governor of Indiana at the time.
Donald Trump’s selection of Senator J.D. Vance as his running mate for the 2024 election means that contributions to that campaign are not covered under the pay to play rules. However, with Vice President Kamala Harris selecting Minnesota Governor Tim Walz as her running mate, contributions to her campaign will now trigger a ban as to Minnesota state government investors. With that said, it is worth noting that individuals may give up to $350 per election without triggering the rule under the de minimis exception because everyone in the U.S. is entitled to vote in the presidential election.
Along that vein, I should add that some candidates for other federal offices are covered officials, such as Jim Justice in West Virginia, who is running for U.S. Senate but is also the governor of West Virginia. A handful of senatorial and house candidates are covered officials, which creates an additional issue in any even-numbered year.
PELR: Are there any incidental forms of political contributions that people should be wary of in the context of pay to play risks?
Hong: Beyond donations to individual candidates, there is also a risk when it comes to the joint-fundraising committees (JFCs) maintained by presidential candidates. JFCs raise funds not only for presidential campaigns and national party committees, but also numerous state party committees. A covered donor raising funds for a JFC would directly violate the SEC pay to play rule’s ban on soliciting donations to state party committees. Also, a covered donor giving to a state party committee could indirectly trigger the rule’s ban. Both campaigns have established alternative JFCs that do not contain state parties to comply with the rule. However, as the Harris campaign is now covered under the rule following her selection of Walz as her running mate, covered donors are no longer allowed to either give to, or solicit for, any of her JFCs.
In addition, people tend to overlook that the pay to play rules cover contributions to inaugural committees and transition committees. For example, if a governor or a mayor wins office and has an inaugural ball, then purchasing a ticket to that ball triggers a ban in the same way as cutting a check directly to that governor’s campaign.
PELR: What amount and types of SEC enforcement activity is anticipated on this issue in the current election cycle?
Hong: There is more political activity in election years and SEC scrutiny is likely to increase. Major presidential election years are usually followed by a larger number of pay to play cases because there are more political contributions.
The SEC will do sweeps and is more than willing to take on cases as they arise. Two presidential cycles ago, the SEC was more active with its pay to play sweeps, possibly because the SEC wanted to be credible and show that it took the rule seriously. In fact, in 2017, the SEC settled about ten enforcement actions within a couple of weeks.
[See “Campaign Contributions As Small As $500 Could Draw SEC Enforcement Action for Pay to Play Violations” (Jan. 26, 2017).]
With that said, I don’t expect SEC enforcement activity to return to former levels. In fact, I don’t think pay to play is in the top two rules that the SEC is prioritizing and actively enforcing.
PELR: The SEC recently announced an enforcement action against an investment adviser, Wayzata Investment Partners, for pay to play violations. What stands out to you from Wayzata, and to what extent is it emblematic of the type of scrutiny that fund managers may face this election cycle?
Hong: There is nothing unique about Wayzata, and the fact pattern is relatively simple and direct. According to the settlement, Wayzata just involved a direct contribution to a candidate on the investment board.
That said, Wayzata does raise an interesting question. The penalty in Wayzata was $60,000, and the compensation the adviser would have otherwise received was likely a lot more than that, so the question is: Why not just take the violation, see if the SEC enforces it and pay the penalty? There are two major reasons not to do that. One, there is a censure in addition to the penalty, which is a big deal because it significantly affects your ability to take investments and that’s a bigger hit than the $60,000 penalty.
In addition, none of the cases we’ve seen involve what I would call an egregious violation. For example, if the adviser knew about the ban and continued to do business anyway, it would not lead to a $60,000 penalty – it would be much more significant. The SEC could ban you from exercising your registered investment advisory license. That would be a lot more significant.
The other reason Wayzata is interesting is because it shows some dissension within the SEC that is playing out publicly. Commissioner Hester Peirce issued a dissenting opinion in Wayzata essentially saying that there is something broken about the rule having strict liability. That echoes some of the concerns she raised in a dissenting opinion on enforcement actions that came out in 2022.
[See “SEC Pay to Play Settlements Prompt Strong Dissent From Commissioner Peirce” (Dec. 15, 2022).]
PE‑Specific Considerations and Insights
PELR: What other specific considerations should PE firms or the private funds industry be thinking about?
Hong: One aspect that is often overlooked is the need to overlay state and local pay to play laws on top of the federal rules. For example, federal pay to play rules allow contributions of up to $150 per election year to a candidate, which increases to $350 if you’re entitled to vote for the candidate. Many states do not have that de minimis exemption, however, so even a $1 contribution would trigger a ban in those states.
We sometimes see a company apply only the federal pay to play rule and allow employees to give up to $150 without preclearance, but then the company is unable to certify compliance under the state law. You want to ensure you’re looking through both filters and that you’re complying with local, state and federal pay to play rules.
PELR: Do managers use compliance consultants or specialty software to formulate and/or enforce their policies, or do they tend to manage that in‑house?
Hong: Sponsors use both law firms and compliance consultants to draft their policies. It is important to have procedures behind the policies, which some companies may not be thinking about as carefully. Advisers need written procedures on how to preclear an employee’s contribution, including such items as:
- Who will conduct the preclearing?
- What standards will be used?
- Will the adviser look at each official to see if he or she is covered, or will it treat all state and local officials the same?
[See “Use a Preclearance Checklist to Avoid Violating the Pay to Play Rule” (Nov. 1, 2022).]
Most investment advisers hire third-party vendors to search public websites for political contributions as a way to monitor whether employees may have made contributions without preclearance. It is strongly recommended that advisers retain those kinds of vendors because the SEC expects monitoring mechanisms to be in place and the SEC itself searches public records. I can’t tell you how many examinations I’ve seen where the SEC comes to the adviser and says, “I noticed John Smith made a contribution, but I don’t see that in your records.”
The challenge is that each state has its own database, so there’s no single place you can search nationally on state and local contributions. Advisers typically either retain third-party vendors or conduct searches themselves. They do not sign on to all 50 state databases, however, but may rotate some of the states. For example, if an adviser does a lot of business in three states, then it would look at those three states and maybe rotate the fourth and fifth state with the remaining 47 states. That approach works well if advisers want to perform the search in‑house.
PELR: Can that function be performed competently in‑house?
Hong: I don’t think there’s any concern about proficiency because state election laws generally require candidates to disclose donors by employer. Databases are populated by the reports that the campaigns file on the contributions they receive. They are required to disclose the name of the donor and usually their employer, so you can search the database for an employer’s name and it will produce every employee from that company that contributed.
That said, the majority – at least of large advisers – hire a third party because there are more monitoring firms than existed six or seven years ago, and they are providing a better service now.
PELR: To date, have fund managers been appropriately attentive to pay to play issues?
Hong: Generally, the amount of resources that fund managers dedicate to pay to play compliance has been very robust because that compliance must be certified in most requests for proposals and the rules are self-enforcing in nature. In addition, there are not many remedial steps available, so it is important to ensure a contribution is not made in the first place. Those factors typically cause fund managers to invest proportionally larger amounts toward complying with the pay to play rules than for some of the other rules out there.
PELR: What are some common deficiencies in how investment advisers monitor and mitigate potential pay to play violations?
Hong: It is important for an effective policy to clearly give marching orders to employees that they cannot make a political contribution without preclearing it, and to clearly state that their employment could be terminated for violating the policy. I think you need to make it very black and white to employees.
The other challenge is educating employees on simple elements of the rule, such as what constitutes a political contribution. For example, I can’t tell you how many times we’ve seen employees have no idea they were making a political contribution by going to a coffee event or legislative update meeting where the admission fee was a contribution.
Especially in years like 2024, it is important to remind employees who the federal candidates are that could be covered. Many advisers have already sent out reminders to their employees that federal candidates can be covered and contributions need to be precleared, with some examples of covered candidates. That kind of reminder is now standard fare every four years.
[See “Pay to Play Rules and Risks for Compliance Departments to Monitor in Advance of the Upcoming U.S. Elections” (Oct. 20, 2020).]
PELR: Is there anything else on the pay to play rules and compliance that you think would be useful to highlight for fund managers?
Hong: We talked about the strict liability pay to play rules, but they can’t be viewed in isolation as some other laws can apply. One is the honest services fraud provision in the wire fraud statute, which has become the prosecutor’s choice of law when it comes to corruption cases. Instead of using the bribery statute, prosecutors will go after honest services fraud because it’s much easier to prove a violation under that provision compared to the bribery statute. For example, there was a case in Ohio involving a $500 contribution where there was evidence that the donor was thinking about a particular government decision.
I would also advise PE firms to ensure they know the circumstances around any contribution, gift or favor being provided to public officials. If, for example, there’s an email saying, “I’m going to make this contribution and there’s a contract coming up next week so I should make it before then,” that political contribution is now a felony under the honest services fraud provision. Advisers should be looking at the totality of the circumstances and the applicable laws that can come into play when dealing with contributions.
PELR: Are people generally attuned to the honest services fraud component?
Hong: It is something the private funds industry generally could be more vigilant about. I think as an industry, considerations such as honest service fraud would come into the process when someone makes a $1‑million donation to a charity, but not when someone is cutting a small check. However, those small checks can still be violative of that law in certain circumstances. I think the industry should be weaving that into its procedures in a more fulsome way.
[See our two-part series on marketing to public pension plans: “Municipal Advisors; Pay to Play Laws; and Gift and Entertainment Rules” (May 28, 2019); and “Honest Services Fraud, Use of Placement Agents and Lobbyist Registration Issues” (Jun. 4, 2019).]